Apparently, although some outer forms are Japanese, the heart of the ideas presented in Hagakure has nothing specifically Japanese in it. The second foundation of Hagakure life-philosophy, i. The rise of large, disciplined armies, which left little room for the demonstration of individual military prowess, was the other side of this process. The obsession with an honourable even if useless death being one of the principal themes of Hagakure is after all a manifestation of extreme egotism and this is something that makes difficult or even impossible any sort of cooperation on a larger scale.
In a way, Hagakure is full of ideas, which may have suited samurai from an imaginary past, but most of them, contrary to what is usually thought, were of little or no use for soldiers entangled in modern warfare. As was mentioned earlier, however, bushid based on Hagakure, with its actual individualism, 42 Fromm On the other hand, it became a pretty efficient means of intimidating Japanese society as a whole, securing firm control over it.
Hagakure used during the war in such a controversial role, after the war surprisingly enough enjoyed considerable and indiscriminate admiration amongst a broad circle of the Western elite. This may seem strange at first glance, but I think the explanation of this phenomenon is relatively simple. In my view, this phenomenon is made possible first by the ignorance of the historical context and second by not recognizing the fact that Mishima, being a psychical cripple, was himself a declared necrophile.
Recognizing his mastery of wielding words, I reject the ideas that he preached which are very close to those of Tsunetomo. The Soft Tyranny of Bushido Bushid became, as mentioned above, a backbone of the militaristic and nationalistic ideology and a religion for the army and navy personnel. Apart from that, it was also used for intimidating and subduing practically the whole population of Japan who were to worship these new national heroes being a collective incarnation of the ideals and spirit of bushid.
This must have been pretty efficient judging from the fact that physical terror executed by the political police within Japanese society was used on a relatively small scale. Simply, an overwhelming majority behaved as if they fully accepted the official ideology which was a fraction of the true devotees, who in reality internalized those ideals and which, as I mentioned earlier, is a separate problem45, difficult but for sure may be worth some effort. Apart 45 Stefa ski This again is a universal phenomenon concerning not only Japan.
One should think a while, however, before calling this disloyalty. If Ieyasu was disloyal in this case, he was disloyal to somebody who had been far more disloyal earlier. On the other hand, Ieyasu owed Hideyoshi little if anything since in alliance with Nobunaga he grew to become one of the most powerful daimy , and unluckily for him it was only due to the coincidence mentioned above that he had to recognize the superiority of Hideyoshi Having the subject of loyalty mentioned, we can return to politics.
Ieyasu won and Mitsunari lost his head some days after the defeat. His defeat would have likely meant the return of sengoku, as in the opposing coalition no person existed that enjoyed such an equally indisputable position, which would have led to a shorter or longer period of further struggle for power between the victorious chieftains. The result made Ieyasu the most powerful daimy and three years later his exceptional position was confirmed by the title of seiitaish gun which was granted to him by the Emperor.
This, in turn, bore premises to keep the peace in Japan for a long time. Those plans, however, never became reality. It was certainly not an act of magnanimity. According to my judgment, Hideyori might have had a better chance for survival than Hidetsugu.
This, however, could not be accepted by Ieyasu. It would seem quite reasonable then to look at his principles of action not as a ready etalon but as an inspiration. After careful insight into the actions taken by Ieyasu in his long and successful, although not trouble-free, life, one can extract some crucial principles that go beyond the maxims ascribed to him.
They could be summarized as follows: - fight gallantly and efficiently! His mind was bent to the future, and if he looked to the past, he did it critically and without nostalgia cf. He used force on quite a few occasions and did it on a huge scale, but he did it only if no 50 Ieyasu fought many battles losing only few, but he preferred to settle affairs peacefully.
For him, war was only a tool for achieving political objectives that could not be achieved any other way. Nobody can tell for sure what would have changed in the course of history had an important element been changed, and yet one can justly formulate certain conjectures, estimating probabilities of certain effects.
The above provides pretty firm evidence in favor of my claim that the Japanese were not predetermined by their tradition or history to do what they did.
They or, more precisely, their leaders simply chose particular elements of that tradition neglecting or disregarding others, and that choice turned out to be disastrous. Summary The political elite of Japan in the s and 40s referred to false sages without turning their eye at the figure who, though not flawless, was nonetheless a man of true wisdom based on a profound understanding of human nature and the mechanisms of what makes the world to go around — something that was lacking in the actions of the Japanese in the period The price paid for this error was enormous.
The performance of the Imperial Japanese Armed Forces during the Second World War from the point of view of the military results and not the show of fighting spirit on the one hand was not impressive even at the tactical and at the operational and strategic level it was disastrous. On the other hand, its character in many cases was criminal. The second of the fundamental flaws is very often associated with particular features of Japanese cultural tradition or at least with the spirit of the Japanese warrior class.
This article provides some arguments against such a simplistic point of view. I argued that the nostalgic, irrational and necrophilic strand present in that tradition and Hagakure may serve as its outstanding manifestation was exposed and inflated, exerting a strong grip over Japanese ideology of the s and 40s.
Despite the cult of Japanese exceptionality, which was worshipped by some circles in Japan and in the West, there was nothing specifically Japanese in this apart from certain superficial manifestations. Similar nostalgic, irrational and necrophilic ideologies were dominant at the same time elsewhere.
In general, the Nazi and fascist ideologies ruling over many nations in Europe comprised these very elements as their foundation. This should be good news for the Japanese since they can look critically at their Second World War history without the necessity of negating their national tradition.
It would be enough to refer to those strands in that tradition that are rational, biophilic and future oriented, and one can find them with no special difficulty in the principles observed by many outstanding figures of Japanese history, with Ieyasu as the greatest of them.
It is important to admit that the political leaders of that time s and 40s had chosen wrong ideas and wrong elements of national tradition, though they had at hand many other options, which probably more suited the problems faced by Japan at that time. References Benesch, Oleg Vancouver: The University of British Columbia. Bix, Herbert P. Chang, Iris The Rape of Nanking. New York: Basic Books Polish translation: Rze Nankinu. Konrad Godlewski. Clark, Gregory Coox, Alvin D.
Japan against Russia Stanford: Stanford University Press. Drea, Edward J. Cesarska armia Japonii Tomasz Tesznar. Fromm, Erich War within Man. A Psychological Enquiry into the Roots of Destructiveness.
Pliladelphia, Pa. American Friends Service. Fromm Erich The Anatomy of Human Destructiveness. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Glantz, David M. The Soviet Strategic Offensive in Manchuria, London, Portland: Frank Cass. Soviet Operational and Tactical Combat in Manchuria, Gold, Hal Unit Testimony. Tuttle, Tokyo. Huizinga, Johan The Treasures Of Montezuma 2.
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Agatha Christie: Death on the Nile. Agatha Christie: Evil Under the Sun. Agatha Christie: Murder on the Orient Express. Agatha Christie: Peril at End House.
Nor can the attestation of similar beliefs among the peasantry in later times confirm their widespread character, as this could be because of an earlier trickle-down process rather than a once-homogeneous belief-system.
One is entitled to wonder whether linguistic evidence might, despite its provenance from a limited section of society, attest better to wider beliefs. As a given language is often a medium of communication across all sections of society, the meanings of words might be more consistent across social divisions than other features of culture. But historical sociolinguistics is a nascent discipline, whose major advances so far relate to later periods.
Bertram Colgrave and R. Oxford: Oxford University Press, , — but this is tantamount to an admission of ignorance. Thomas E. Jeremy J. The prospect of substrate Brittonic influence long foundered on the dearth of lexical borrowings into Old English. This book is a study of elite beliefs, elucidating something of their changing meanings and functions, and emphasising the extent to which Christian Anglo-Saxon culture included or incorporated traditional ideologies.
However, it would be unwise to impose Scandinavian evidence incautiously on other cultures. Next I consider Eddaic verse, whose mythological subject matter makes it in some ways more useful than skaldic verse, but whose more flexible structures permitted greater variability in transmission, so precluding precise dat- ing. Benedikt Benedikz, ed. This provides models for inter- preting the Old English evidence considered in the subsequent chapters, and a framework for introducing other Scandinavian evidence at appropriate junctures below.
I should admit at the outset that my investigations are male-centred. This is not consciously a willing choice, and I focus on gendering in an Anglo-Saxon context below. But females are comparatively poorly represented in our Norse mythological sources, partly defined in any case through their husbands, and partly functioning as units of inter-group exchange rather than as paradig- matic representatives of groups themselves.
Linda E. Neckel, Edda, We call them nornir. It is complemented and sometimes contradicted by the partly mythological Ynglinga saga, the opening part of Heimskringla — the magisterial history of the kings of Norway accepted as having probably been composed by Snorri in the same period as his Edda. Faulkes, Gylfaginning, Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, ii —9. D iscipulus.
Einn licamlegr sa es ver megom sia. Annarr andlegr. Master: Wherever his power extends; however, his native region is in the sky of intellect. Pupil: What is the sky of intellect? Master: There are three skies. One is bodily, that which we can see. The second is spiritual andlegr , where the spiritual beings live who are angels. But the third is the sky of intellect, where the Holy Trinity lives; and there can holy angels see God. From this, Snorri derived his three himnar.
Angela Hall Cambridge: Brewer, first publ. Simek, Dictionary, s. Firchow and Grimstad, Elucidarius, 12—14, with slight normalisation. However, Snorri had few options at this point. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , —16; N. Steinsland et al. This division has been received as axiomatic in most modern mythography, but it is curiously ill-paralleled.
This is not the place to reassess our evidence for the vanir and the assumptions which past scholarship has made about it. I discuss this prospect further below. For now, however, we may turn to our poetic evidence.
Alternatively, if wan- is considered a borrowing of vanr, it is not evidence for a Common Germanic etymon. But, following my arguments in the previous chapter that the meanings of words can tell us about the concepts which they denoted, the kennings offer important insights.
Geburtstag von Felix Genzmer, ed. Hermann Schneider Heidelberg: Winter, , pp. But there is little reason to assume this generally. The distribution of words for supernatural beings in kennings for men is paralleled by other sorts of early Old Norse lexical evidence.
Meissner, Kenningar, Meissner, Kenningar, —9, —12; above, pp. The determiner usually denoted a being. Michael Korhammer Cambridge: Brewer, , pp. Componential analysis of Old Norse words for beings Needless to say, this analysis is crude; introducing distinctions of gender to it, for example, would produce the familiar problems of binary componential 49 Ed.
Semantic field diagram of Old Norse words for beings analyses. Geburtstag Juli Halle an der Saale: Niemeyer, , pp. Brook and R. Neckel, Edda, 2, 14; see also Boberg, Motif-Index; cf. McKinnell, Meeting the Other, Nancy L. Nielsen, K.
Randsborg and H. Stephen Corrin London: Rider, first publ. Forgerons et Achimistes Paris: Flammarion, [].
Moreover, it hints at a major mythological pattern in early-medieval Scandinavian world-views, delineating a fundamental binary opposition between beings which are human or otherworldly on the one hand, and those which are monstrous on the other.
These themes are elucidated by reference to the next body of evidence, Eddaic verse. Tempt- ing though it is to try to order the Eddaic poems by date or place of origin, the uncertainties and complexities of transmission in the corpus make this too problematic to be attempted here. This is not because they are not of interest, but because my primary concern here is to develop a reliable and pertinent context for interpreting our Anglo-Saxon evidence. On spinning and weaving as means of shaping the future in early-medieval European culture see generally Michael J.
Peter Foote, rev. Neckel, Edda, 43—4. Korpusin Moscow: [n. Neckel, Edda, 97, 99, But Lokasenna is a tightly constructed poem and mythologically well informed. I have quoted stanza 72 Ed. Neckel, Edda, 72—3, —6, This is a problematic inference, however. Neckel, Edda, 3, 4, But little can be made of these hints. Neckel, Edda, — On sources see Andrew R. However, borrowing from Old English is also possible. Robert J.
Claudio Moreschini ed. This shift is of course part of what makes the poem powerful, but it emphasises that it has several narrative and thematic layers, which must be assessed with suitable subtlety.
Parsons Oxford: Oxbow, , pp. Sune Lindqvist, Gotlands Bildsteine, Arkeol. On Anglo-Saxon material see in addition to chapter 5 n. Kinshiro Oshitari et al. Tokyo: Kenkyusha, , pp. Neckel, Edda, , — The protagonist is rarely accorded uncritical admiration. It is no surprise, then, that he is absent from the action when his brothers discover the departure of the swan-maidens, and that unlike them he does not set off in search of his partner but remains at home.
Although we have no Old See von See et al. Neckel, Edda, , Craigie Oxford: Oxford University Press, , s. Neckel, Edda, 56— Deor lines 1—12, ed. Angeliki E. Such ambiguous characteristics in mythological heroes have troubled previous commentators, who have sometimes sought interpretative paths round them, but I think they demand to be faced and interpreted.
This correlation provides support for taking similar approaches to Old English semantic evidence. This binary opposition corresponds well with a horizontal cosmology which scholars have deduced from our sources.
Consequently there was no absolute distinction between men and gods. Although this kind of simple, binary cosmological paradigm is internation- ally widespread, it is by no means universal, differing — to give an important counterpoint — from the world-views implied by biblical Judaic writings. Faulkes, Gylfaginning, 38—9. Edward Dudley and Maximillian E. Novak [Pittsburgh]: University of Pittsburgh, , pp.
Scandinavian gods and monsters were conceptually similar to, and might even be identified with, ethnic others, while members of the human in-group could, actually or metaphorically, become monstrous, particularly if they remained in contact with the in-group after the severances of outlawry or death. Inger Zachrisson et al. Olsen and L. Houwen, Mediaevalia Groningana, n. Myles Dillon London: Methuen, first publ.
Barrett and Frank C. Justin L. Hofstra, L. Houwen and A. In contrast with barbarians, who constituted a threat to society in general and to Greek society as a whole, the wild man represented a threat to the individual.
White clearly demonstrates that, conventionally, barbarian lands were geographically remote, and the moment of their incursion upon the frontiers of the Greek world would signal an apocalypse: the appearance of hordes of barbarians implied the fracturing of the foundation of the world and the death of an epoch.
In contrast the wild man is omnipresent, inhabiting the immediate confines of the community. He is found in the neighbouring forests, mountains and islands. Sedgefield, Boethius, —16, —5. Carl T. Geburtstag am Ethnic others in early-medieval Scandinavian world-views need not only have been identified with monsters. On the other hand, social contact in a stable, if uneasy, co-existence might promote instead the otherworldly potentialities of neighbouring peoples. Figure 3. Monstrosity in medieval Scandinavia This cline puts ethnic others in a suitably ambiguous position, from which they might be associated either with gods and the like or with monsters.
This handling of the Norse evidence does not incorporate all of the compli- cating detail which could be adduced, such as vertical cosmological elements, other words for supernatural beings in Norse, or the place of gender.
I advance these models, therefore, only tentatively as a reconstruction of world views in any given variety of medieval Scandinavian culture. Howard B. See further pp. Those desiring more contextualisation of the linguistic issues discussed here will find guidance in Appendix 1 below. I contextualise my findings with reference to Beowulf. The poem provides remarkable insights into how supernatural beings could feature in Anglo-Saxon constructions of the world, in large part consolidating the arguments which I make on the basis of early Old English and Norse evidence.
Some names in the early Germanic languages were monothematic — having only one element — and these are often obscure and problematic, and of little use here. Albert L. This raises some intriguing possibilities. Herbert Jankula et al. In day-to-day usage, of course, names doubtless primarily denoted their bearers rather than being lexically meaningful compounds, and Germanic names probably always included elements which were not transparently meaningful, either because they had been borrowed from other languages or because linguistic changes had rendered once-transparent elements obscure.
Richard M. Hogg Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , pp. Stanley, edited by M. Toswell and E. Tyler London: Routledge, , pp. Nigel F. Meanwhile, certain name-elements were associated with certain degrees of social status, which in turn might in theory have some connection with their semantics.
The prospects for studying such correlations systematically have 10 Colman, Money Talks, 55—67; cf. A systematic analysis would be required to establish this convincingly. Even accepting these constraints, however, it is possible plausibly to derive some semantic information from Anglo-Saxon personal names.
The range of elements available for Anglo-Saxon dithematic name-formation was limited, and it is generally assumed that these name-elements lexically denoted things or attributes with positive cultural associations.
Anderson ed. Keats-Rohan and David E. Words which may not belong in the category in which they are placed, or in the survey at all, are marked with a question mark? People s : Angel,25? Colman, Money Talks, Nevertheless, some useful points emerge, and are not blurred by my inclusion of dubious elements.
Schramm, Namenschatz und Dichtersprache, —6, David Parsons Woodbridge: Boydell, , pp. It seems hard to believe, however, that it was not understood as the word wiht in synchronic use cf. The argument was made most forcefully by Raymond P. So precise a correlation is impressive, presum- ably reflecting both similarities in belief and the systemic similarity between dithematic kennings denoting men and lexically meaningful dithematic personal names.
This encourages the supposition that name-elements reflect the synchronic meanings of their lexical counterparts. Even so, the value of the onomastic evidence for Anglo- Saxon culture is open to question. Schramm, Namenschatz und Dichtersprache, —19 et passim. Through this re-organisation, the i-stem declension appears to have become a declension exclusively for words denoting people or peoples.
Lakoff, Dangerous Things, esp. For the dating of our earliest texts, J. These names cannot tell us much in themselves. But a wider analysis of other Anglo place-name evidence for non-Christian supernatural beings does show that they are consistent with patterns which are themselves consistent with the arguments above.
This fits, moreover, with the localisation of elven in the Middle English South English Legendary, which seems to be a good source for later elf-beliefs and is quoted accordingly below. These 65 Ed. Rosalind C. I owe this reference and the identification of the uallis nunpharum to Jeremy Harte, who has kindly allowed me to include it here.
Folke Sandgren Stockholm: Norstedt, , pp. Needless to say, a thorough and critical investigation of later evidence for such words in place-names would augment this material. It also hints that these distinctions were mapped on to the environments in which Anglo-Saxons lived. Pushing these observations further would be difficult, requiring fuller gathering of data, and much more detailed considerations of precisely what kinds of associations we have here, of how far our tiny datasets are comparable, and of what biases they may contain.
The material does advert, however, to the final source to be considered in this chapter: Beowulf. Place-name evidence also supports the idea of a strong distinction between gods and monsters in Anglo-Saxon 69 Translations based on Gelling and Cole, The Landscape, passim.
This system seems likely to have existed in the common ances- tors of Old English and Norse, so we must infer that Anglo-Saxons brought it with them when they migrated to Britain. At any rate, it was certainly current in Scandinavia in a formative period of poetic language around the ninth century, and in Anglo-Saxon England in a morphologically formative period around the sixth.
Componential analysis of Old English words for beings This can again be expressed as a semantic field diagram Figure 5. Identities in the post-Roman world have enjoyed much recent attention, but the evidence presented here affords some unique new perspectives. Frazer and Andrew Tyrrell ed. Alfred P. Smyth Basingstoke: Macmillan, , pp. Timothy S.
Jones and David A. In earlier scholarship, ancestry and language were emphasised; more recently, material culture and shared origin-myths have gained prominence. But my evidence suggests another model, of identity based on exclusivity: individuals were members of a given group because they were not from outside it, in specific and histori- cally traceable ways. Moreover, this source is probably relatively early, dating from the eighth or ninth centuries. Although Fulk underrated the possibility of linguistically conservative registers of Old English, his linguistic evidence makes later dating unlikely cf.
For the dating debate see further R. Bjork and J. Niles Exeter: University of Exeter Press, , pp. He did not profit from that feud, but the Measurer banished him for that crime, from humankind.
He gave them repayment for that. Taylor and P. Their argument is unacceptable as it stands and improved neither by Raymond P. Hrothgar waits to see whether the al f walda will assist him at a point in the poem where he is conspicuously short of hope, his earlier invocations of the alwalda drying up see Edward B. The Danes have already shown a propensity to turn to the Devil in times of distress cf. But this argument remains speculative, and draws on the evidence of this study more than it provides additional evidence for it.
No secure conclusions can be drawn from these comparisons. This much, then, fits with the binary contrast between men and monsters posited above, and supports its validity regarding Anglo-Saxon culture. Nor is it unique in early Old English. XX, which seems to have been made in the last quarter of the eighth century or perhaps the first quarter of the ninth in West Mercia, probably in or near Worcester, and known as the Royal Prayerbook.
The prayer proceeds to a Greek liturgical passage and concludes with an exorcism 80 Cf. David N. Benjamin Aldershot: Avebury, , pp. Klaeber, Beowulf, 56; Cf. Verdam, J. Verwijs and F. Ker, Catalogue, —18 [no. Michelle P. Christian Kay and Louise M. Aelfae is integral to the text and unrelated to the tenth-century Old English glosses in the manuscript.
Diabolus here is surely a vocative, and satanae a genitive. If the former translation is best, the ending of aelfae would most naturally be identified as a regular first-declension feminine genitive-singular inflexion, in which case we might infer that it was intended to denote a female being — as in the fifteenth-century Anglo-Latin prayer against Elfae from which I quote below. Free Ebook online Crooked Officer 2.
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